Critical Analysis

https://www.mdpi.com/2077-0383/11/6/1582

https://xcancel.com/SwipeWright/status/2081789091046182975

https://xcancel.com/SwipeWright/status/2059728010253828274

Alcohol use disorders (AUD) associate with structural and functional brain differences, including impairments in neuropsychological function; however, reviews (mostly cross-sectional) are inconsistent with regards to recovery of such functions following abstinence. Recovery is important, as these impairments associate with treatment outcomes and quality of life.

During the past twenty years, the prevailing clinical approach to child and adolescent gender dysphoria changed dramatically. Before then, most clinicians considered youth gender dysphoria a mental health problem best addressed through psychological management. Typically, childhood gender dysphoria resolved prior to adulthood. Recently, however, the gender-affirming approach has prioritized facilitating social and medical gender transition of dysphoric youth. The ascendancy of gender-affirming care did not arise because of empirical advances. Rather, gender-affirming care triumphed because of the unquestioned ideological beliefs that treating gender dysphoria as a psychological problem is unenlightened, unethical, and akin to conversion therapy for sexual orientation. Clinical referrals for youth gender dysphoria skyrocketed. Adolescent-onset dysphoria among natal females, previously unknown, became the most common subtype, and there are indications it is socially transmitted. Concerns about these developments led to systematic research on the claims that gender affirmation is necessary for improvement and to prevent suicide. Comprehensive reviews failed to support these claims, and gender transition has serious social and medical complications. Thus, gender-affirming care is increasingly seen as a dubious approach. Psychotherapy, including cognitive-behavioral therapy, holds promise as a tool to manage gender dysphoria, ideally until it desists. Gender transition should be considered only after alternatives have been explored. Three distinct pathways are discussed: childhood-onset, autogynephilic, and rapid-onset gender dysphoria. Their optimal treatment may differ.

Identifying groups at increased risk for political violence can support prevention efforts. We determine whether “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans, as defined, are potentially such a group.

Women’s preferences for penis size may affect men’s comfort with their own bodies and may have implications for sexual health. Studies of women’s penis size preferences typically have relied on their abstract ratings or selecting amongst 2D, flaccid images. This study used haptic stimuli to allow assessment of women’s size recall accuracy for the first time, as well as examine their preferences for erect penis sizes in different relationship contexts. Women (N = 75) selected amongst 33, 3D models. Women recalled model size accurately using this method, although they made more errors with respect to penis length than circumference. Women preferred a penis of slightly larger circumference and length for one-time (length = 6.4 inches/16.3 cm, circumference = 5.0 inches/12.7 cm) versus long-term (length = 6.3 inches/16.0 cm, circumference = 4.8 inches/12.2 cm) sexual partners. These first estimates of erect penis size preferences using 3D models suggest women accurately recall size and prefer penises only slightly larger than average.

Marked as culture wars even though it’s within academia. It’s a critique of the guy that discovered SRY, in the context of the controversy around Caster Semenya.

In 1985, Thomas and French published results of a meta-analysis that examined sex differences in grip strength in children 5 years of age and older. Their analysis included results from only four studies, and no update has been published. The purpose of the current study was to use meta-analysis to examine sex differences in grip strength from birth to age 16. The analysis included 808 effects from 169 studies conducted in 45 countries between 1961 and 2023. The total sample was 353,676 (178,588 boys, 175,088 girls). From birth to 16 years of age, grip strength was consistently greater in boys than girls. Between 3 and 10 years old, the effect size was small-to-moderate, with female grip strength equaling 90% of male grip strength (Hedges g = 0.33–0.46). At age 11, the effect size decreased slightly, likely due to girls reaching puberty before boys (g = 0.29, 95% confidence intervals (CI) [0.22, 0.35]). At age 13, the effect size increased markedly likely due to male puberty (g = 0.63, 95% CIs [0.55, 0.70]). By age 16, the sex difference in grip strength was substantial, with female grip strength equaling 65% of male grip strength (g = 2.07, 95% CIs [1.86, 2.27]). Secondary analyses revealed that the sex difference in grip strength is broadly similar between countries and has been mostly stable since the 1960s, except for a narrowing of the difference among 5–10-year-olds after 2010. Various biological factors explain why, on average, boys are stronger than girls from birth onward.

Trying out some non-academic, dramatic culture war critical analysis. There’s an ongoing kerfluffle involving Amnesty UK and J.K. Rowling. Here’s a timeline that provides some context.

Question Are puberty blockers associated with lower odds of diagnosed mood disorders and suicidal thoughts and behaviors for transgender compared with cisgender youths?

It has been suggested human female breast size may act as signal of fat reserves, which in turn indicates access to resources. Based on this perspective, two studies were conducted to test the hypothesis that men experiencing relative resource insecurity should perceive larger breast size as more physically attractive than men experiencing resource security. In Study 1, 266 men from three sites in Malaysia varying in relative socioeconomic status (high to low) rated a series of animated figures varying in breast size for physical attractiveness. Results showed that men from the low socioeconomic context rated larger breasts as more attractive than did men from the medium socioeconomic context, who in turn perceived larger breasts as attractive than men from a high socioeconomic context. Study 2 compared the breast size judgements of 66 hungry versus 58 satiated men within the same environmental context in Britain. Results showed that hungry men rated larger breasts as significantly more attractive than satiated men. Taken together, these studies provide evidence that resource security impacts upon men’s attractiveness ratings based on women’s breast size.

Introduction

In 2015, we conducted a cross-sectional, Internet-based, U.S. nationally representative probability survey of 2,021 adults (975 men, 1,046 women) focused on a broad range of sexual behaviors. Individuals invited to participate were from the GfK KnowledgePanel®. The survey was titled the 2015 Sexual Exploration in America Study and survey completion took about 12 to 15 minutes. The survey was confidential and the researchers never had access to respondents’ identifiers. Respondents reported on demographic items, lifetime and recent sexual behaviors, and the appeal of 50+ sexual behaviors. Most (>80%) reported lifetime masturbation, vaginal sex, and oral sex. Lifetime anal sex was reported by 43% of men (insertive) and 37% of women (receptive). Common lifetime sexual behaviors included wearing sexy lingerie/underwear (75% women, 26% men), sending/receiving digital nude/semi-nude photos (54% women, 65% men), reading erotic stories (57% of participants), public sex (≥43%), role-playing (≥22%), tying/being tied up (≥20%), spanking (≥30%), and watching sexually explicit videos/DVDs (60% women, 82% men). Having engaged in threesomes (10% women, 18% men) and playful whipping (≥13%) were less common. Lifetime group sex, sex parties, taking a sexuality class/workshop, and going to BDSM parties were uncommon (each <8%). More Americans identified behaviors as “appealing” than had engaged in them. Romantic/affectionate behaviors were among those most commonly identified as appealing for both men and women. The appeal of particular behaviors was associated with greater odds that the individual had ever engaged in the behavior. This study contributes to our understanding of more diverse adult sexual behaviors than has previously been captured in U.S. nationally representative probability surveys. Implications for sexuality educators, clinicians, and individuals in the general population are discussed.

ABSTRACT

https://xcancel.com/NeuroSGS/status/2073447631917818301

The current study explored a form of femmephobia (specifically, negative attitudes toward femininity in men) as a predictor of anti-gay behaviors among a sample of heterosexual men (N = 417). Additional predictor variables included hierarchical worldviews (i.e., social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, narcissism) and prejudicial attitudes (i.e., old-fashioned and modern homonegativity). Femmephobia emerged as a robust predictor, accounting for 23% of the variance in anti-gay behavior, surpassing the explanatory power (15%) of all other considered variables combined. Moreover, social dominance only predicted anti-gay behavior when femmephobia levels were high. Future research on discrimination and violence related to sexual identity and gender expression should incorporate femmephobia as a key predictive factor.

Does a woman’s cognitive performance change throughout her menstrual cycle? Menstruation continues to be a taboo topic, subject to myths about how it affects women. Despite the considerable number of empirical studies, there have been few quantitative summaries of what is known. To address this gap, we conducted a meta-analysis of cognitive performance across the menstrual cycle, including the domains of attention, creativity, executive functioning, intelligence, motor function, spatial ability, and verbal ability. We included studies that measured women’s performance at specific points in the cycle for tasks that have objectively correct responses. Our analysis examined performance differences across phases using Hedges’ g as the effect size metric. Across 102 articles, N =  3,943 participants, and 730 comparisons, we observe no systematic robust evidence for significant cycle shifts in performance across cognitive performance. Although two results appeared significant with respect to differences in spatial ability, they arise from a large number of statistical tests and are not supported in studies that use robust methods to determine cycle phase. Through the use of Egger’s test, and examination of funnel plots, we did not observe evidence of publication bias or small-study effects. We examined speed and accuracy measures separately within each domain, and no robust differences across phases appeared for either speed or accuracy. We conclude that the body of research in this meta-analysis does not support myths that women’s cognitive abilities change across the menstrual cycle. Future research should use larger sample sizes and consistent definitions of the menstrual cycle, using hormonal indicators to confirm cycle phase.